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Abstracts
Panel:
Poverty Reduction: Social Exclusion and Safety Nets in South Asia
Analysing social exclusion in the context of Indian Muslims
Livelihood and food security for socially backward communities: Constraints in improving the Himalayan mountain ecosystem
Comparative urban IS engagement
Addressing the issues of older people in Sri Lanka: A framework for action
Analysing social exclusion in the context of Indian Muslims
Azra Razzack*
While the term “social exclusion” is of relatively recent origin, it has significantly contributed towards understanding the nature and processes of deprivation. According to Naila Kabeer (2006) “social exclusion reflects the multiple and overlapping nature of the disadvantages experienced by certain groups and categories of the population, with social identity as the central axis of their exclusion.” The concept has two main defining characteristics according to Arjan de Haan – first it is multi dimensional- it refers to exclusion in the economic, social and political sphere; and secondly ”social exclusion” has inherent in it a focus on the relations and processes that cause deprivation (Also see Ruhi Saith, Social Exclusion: the Concept and Application to Developing Countries. Working Paper No. 72. QEH Working Paper Series QEHWPS72).
Even though social exclusion as an experience cuts across caste, class, religious and ethnic groups, each group experiences exclusion differently on many different fronts. While there are similarities, there are differences in experiencing it as well. How useful is this concept in understanding the situation of Muslims in India? Can it help in analysing the continued backwardness of the Muslim community over the last six decades? Can it help explain why such a large section of the population has remained cut off from the ‘mainstream’, unable to gain regular employment, unable to access education and health facilities, increasingly resorting to living in ghettoes - literally living a separate and excluded life. This paper attempts to look at the case of Indian Muslims from the perspective of “social exclusion”.
A number of factors and processes have contributed to Muslims being socially excluded – leading to poverty and often being treated as second class citizens in the land of their birth. Deprivation, discrimination, suspicion, denial of opportunities and of identity - are all responsible for them being socially excluded at many levels. To be able to address the issue of “social exclusion” – its identification and the processes through which it unfolds on a daily basis must be understood. For a thorough study of this phenomenon, it is important to move beyond ‘data’ to study exclusion in the context of Indian Muslims. It is difficult to measure “social exclusion” because it is difficult to quantify – therefore, in our analysis of the concept it is imperative that we look at small everyday examples and interactions as important indicators of how it takes place. Commonplace incidents merit inclusion in such an investigation. These everyday instances will provide a true reflection of how social exclusion takes place on a daily basis. Once captured one can hope to work towards its eradication, which will also be discussed at this panel.
The paper will also critically examine some of the recent programmes and policies of the State and their efficacy in addressing the issues faced by Indian Muslims.
Reference:
Naila Kabeer. Social Exclusion and the MDGs: The Challenge of ‘Durable Inequalities’ in the Asian Context, March 2006
 *Azra Razzack is a professor at the Centre for Dalit and Minorities Studies, Jamia Millia Islamia, New Delhi.
Livelihood and food security for socially backward communities: Constraints in improving the Himalayan mountain ecosystem
Prakash C. Tiwari*
In the Himalayan region, nearly 15 per cent of the total population falls within the category of socially backward communities. A considerably large proportion of these communities is landless, and traditionally engaged in agricultural labour, collection of minor forest produces, etc., for their livelihood, and therefore is highly vulnerable to livelihood and food insecurity. In order to bring these communities into the mainstream of social and economic development the constitution of India designated them, Scheduled Castes (SCs), and made specific provisions for providing them with educational facilities, government employment and allowing them to be more active politically. Besides that, both central and state governments have been implementing a series of progressive programmes for their social, economic and political mainstreaming from time to time. Nevertheless, these communities still comprise the poorest and most socio-economically marginalized segment of society and are deprived of the benefits of development and excluded from socio-economic safety nets.
The main objective of the paper is to analyse the social constraints that prevent the improvement of food security of socially backward communities through the interpretation of linkages between various poverty reduction programmes and social exclusions with a case illustration of the Himalayan state of Uttarkhand in India. Various developmental programmes and income generating schemes conceived and implemented by governments for bringing these communities above the poverty line have been critically evaluated and their contribution towards improving food and livelihood security of SCs have been comprehensively assessed. Data and information required for catering the research components were generated through conducting detailed social surveys using exclusively designed schedules and questionnaires and from various secondary sources.
The study concluded that mainstream development programmes targeting backward communities have an inclination towards social justice rather than delivering economic equity which, in turn, is activating social discrimination against and economic deprivation of SCs. Economic justice requires equitable access to natural and economic resources which are traditionally the stronghold of higher-class communities and are becoming scarce in mountains. This deprived backward communities of their legitimate right to make use of even primary Common Pool Resources (CPRs), such as, land, water and forests which constitute the main food source leading to increased security as well as social sustainability. It was observed that institutionalising natural resources at the grass-root level, and political and educational empowerment of backward communities could sensitise and help backward communities in attaining economic as well as social equity and moving out of poverty.
 * Prakash C. Tiwari is a Professor of Geography at the Kumaun University Nainital, India. He is a mountain environment and sustainable development specialist and has worked with various national and international organisations.
Comparative urban IS engagement
Faisal Haq Shaheen*
As with informal sectors (IS) across the Global South, Pakistan's urban IS has been the subject of increased attention in recent years. Solutions to the challenges of urban poverty and the absence of social safety nets in developing countries are often tied to political reforms and economic ‘aid’ packages. The challenges that face the urban IS have been the subject of increased attention within the broader development studies literature. Socio economic assessments and surveys of the street realities of ‘meta cities’[i] across Asia, Latin America and Africa; reveal a sharp contrast between national ‘pro poor’ market based policy designs and the outcomes that impact the urban poor[ii]. Both external (colonial legacy[iii], neo colonialism[iv] and urban sprawl) and internal (administrative culture, inter governmental policy, program capacity and capability) factors constrain the equitable provision of basic services[v] by municipalities to all segments of urban society. Under the rubric of national ‘aid and development programs’, foreign interventionist states have overlooked the complexity, context and challenges faced by developing country municipalities[vi]. Developing country governments have also neglected investing in the public sector and remain ill equipped to convert imported policy prescriptions into sustainable service delivery mechanisms[vii]. As a result, the misalignment of the organisational culture and mindset of civil servants[viii] has continued to alienate the bureaucracy from the public at large[ix]. This has resulted in an artificial and ‘context-less’ structure, splitting government-public interactions and limiting the engagement of the IS[x].
The ability of a municipality to engage the urban poor, hinges on the condition of institutional and policy linkages with provincial and federal agencies. If adequate resources and support (political or bureaucratic) are not forthcoming, the resulting exclusion of the marginalised poor forces them to coalesce into a socio-economic and physical space known as the Informal Sector (IS). While this ‘unobserved economy’ is not recognised in financial indicators or economic statistics, the urban IS contributes[xi] in many ways to the vitality of society. In light of national policy failures and the rapid growth of the IS, this study asks whether there are differences in the political will and capacity in engaging the IS between upper and lower tiered state actors, and whether this engagement can be sustained. Social safety nets are examined in the contexts of housing, water and sanitation, transportation and labour conditions in the cities of Lahore, Karachi, Mumbai, Dhaka and other South Asian Municipalities to assess the experiences of the urban informal sector’s engagement with the state. Preliminary findings supports the hypothesis that lower tiers of the state are capable of engaging the IS, but due to constraints from upper levels, are unable to do so. The study's findings suggest that the combination of grassroots civil society efforts in mobilising the urban IS alongside the provision of well resourced, accountable capacities of lower tiers of municipal government can generate low cost sustainable solutions to urban service delivery. Evidence also points to the benefits of civil society’s engagement with lower tiers of government to ensure that upper-level bureaucrats are held accountable for ill-conceived policy and its failures. The research shows that before success in national and provincial policy reforms can be expected, the emphasis of policy has to be on the recognition and development of interactions between the IS and lower tiers of the state.
 *Faisal Haq Shaheen is a PhD candidate at Ryerson University’s Policy Science Program. He is also a Business Management Analyst with the Municipality of Toronto and serves as a Visiting Research Associate at SDPI. Comments and feedback are welcome at fshaheen@ryerson.ca
Endnotes
[i] The ‘Meta City’ is defined as cities with a population of over 30 million inhabitants. Such cities are found largely in Latin America and Asia and are plagued with ad hoc development and limited service provision to inhabitants.
[ii] Laquian, A. 2006, The Inclusive City – Infrastructure and Public Services for the Urban Poor in Asia. Connecticut: Greenwood Press.
[iii] Colonialism in the context of developing country urban governance refers to the struggle of indigenous civil service staff to adapt and adjust their social and cultural sensibilities to utilizing an administrative structure imposed from the outside. In spite of the independence of many developing countries from colonialism, the legacies of these structures persist and result in alienation between the civil service and the populations they serve. The colonial mindset of top down, hierarchical and class oriented relations within the bureaucracy has also complicated relations within the civil service.
[iv] Neo Colonialism, similarly, refers to the dominating influence of foreign governments and supranational bodies, such as the IMF, WB and WTO in shaping the policies of developing country governments, which inevitably influences urban regimes.
[v] In turn, these colonial structures have a bearing on the internal linkages that connect with neo colonial forces and pressures that also impact municipal structures.
[vi] The interventionist state refers to donor countries that have increasingly placed the emphasis on market models and approaches to development and have ignored the administrative realities and contexts of the developing countries.
[vii] Batley R. & Larbi, G. 2004, The Changing Role of Government – The Reform of Public Services in Developing Countries. Birmingham: Palgrave MacMillan.
[viii] Civil servants, having inherited the hierarchical organizational framework from their colonial predecessors, also share a similar elitist mindset which polarizes the senior levels of the bureaucracy from the lower levels.
[ix] Islam, N. 2004, Sifarish, Sycophants, Power and Collectivism: Administrative Culture in Pakistan. Journal of International Review of Administrative Sciences, 70(2), 311 – 330
[x] Haque, M.S. 1996, The Context less Nature of Public Administration in Third World Countries. International Review of Administrative Sciences, 62, 315-329
[xi] Interestingly, while political change has become routine in many developing countries, the IS continues to experience neglect, in spite of its growth and support of the formal economy.
Addressing the issues of older people in Sri Lanka: A framework for action
Priyanthi Fernando
Sri Lanka is ageing. According to recent population projections, the share of those over 60 years will rise from 11 per cent in 2008 to 16 per cent by 2020 (World Bank 2008). In addition, Sri Lanka’s population is expected to start declining by 2031, indicating that the share of the elderly will rise even further (de Silva 2007). By 2050, the population over 60 years will be 29 per cent and over 80 years 5 per cent (World Bank 2008). This implies that increasing numbers of the elderly will become economically vulnerable, as family size further shrinks and a lower share of economically active younger people become available to look after the needs of the elderly in the society over time. Ageing related poverty and vulnerability would result from the younger generation and state services being unable to bear the costs of supporting the elderly, in terms of their basic needs – food, clothing, shelter – as well as their other needs such as health, transport and recreation. Hence, the threat of many more elderly sliding into poverty in Sri Lanka over the next few decades is very real.
This demographic trend is a result of Sri Lanka’s comprehensive social policies that have helped improve the health status of the population, increased life expectancy, and also reduced population growth and family sizes. Ironically, these same policies have tended to exclude older people. The National Budget 2011, presented on 22 November 2010 in the Parliament by H. E. Mahinda Rajapakse, President of Sri Lanka and Minister of Finance, recognises the issue of ageing, mainly from the perspective of provision of pensions, but also in terms of support to the development of health services to address non-communicable diseases. This explicit inclusion marks a shift in policy awareness of the issue, and is a move in the right direction.
This paper will draw on existing literature, and the work of the Centre for Poverty Analysis, to highlight key issues that affect the lives and wellbeing of Sri Lanka’s elderly and the institutional and policy responses to these issues. Its focus will be those older people who are living in poverty, and it will go beyond considering purely economic responses and discussions on pension reforms to take into account the household care economy, intra-household conditions and relationships and older peoples’ rights and entitlements. Recognising that older people are not a homogenous group, it will consider how ageing intersects with issues of gender, ethnicity, occupational group, and geographical location. The overall aim of the paper will be to provide a framework for understanding the issues that affect older people’s lives, which can serve as a basis for developing and improving existing policies and interventions.
References:
De Silva, W.I. 2007, ‘A population projection for Sri Lanka for the new millennium 2001-2101: Trends and implications’, Institute of Health Policy, Colombo, Sri Lanka.
World Bank 2008, ‘Sri Lanka addressing the needs of an ageing population’, Human Development Unit South Asia Region, Report no 43396-LK.
*Priyanthi Fernando is the Executive Director of the Centre for Poverty Analysis (CEPA). She trained as a Sociologist, has an MA in Mass Communications, and has specialized in social development issues with special reference to the transport and energy sectors, gender analysis, networking and communications.
Access to livelihood assets and social exclusion: Some insights from Northwest Pakistan and challenges for further research
Babar Shahbaz*
Tanvir Ali**
This paper presents some findings from a research project conducted in the Khyber-Pakhtunkhwa province by the Pakistan research group of Swiss National Center for Competence in Research (NCCR North-South). The access of communities (living in the marginal mountainous areas of the province) to vital livelihood capitals are discussed by using an institutional perspective. Based on the research insights, we argue that the access to livelihood capitals and income-related opportunities is mediated through institutions and in this process exclusion/inclusion of certain social groups takes place. Lack of access to the livelihood assets increases the vulnerability, of individuals and households, to shocks and risks. Natural resources are scarce and depleting at an alarming pace and the alternate means for securing livelihoods are becoming important for local communities. For future research we suggest the hypothesis that ‘due to depletion of natural resources, the non-natural resource based livelihood strategies are becoming increasingly important. The quest by the different social groups for access to these opportunities also leads to social exclusion and social conflicts’. Innovative approaches (for example in the form of social safety networks) are, therefore, needed to support people in such areas.
*Babar Shahbaz is an Assistant Professor, University of Agriculture, Faisalabad and Visiting Fellow, SDPI.
**Tanvir Ali is the Director, Division of Education and Extension, University of Agriculture, Faisalabad.
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