To a general surprise, at the end of November 2009,
57% of Swiss voters who turned up approved the initiative proposed by the
populist right to make the construction of minarets illegal. Arguing for the
need to respect the principle of secularism, the following year France adopted
legislation that with effect from 11 April 2011 outlawed the covering of the
face in public. The same year, it was then Belgium’s turn in July to introduce
a similar law. Frequently residing in Pakistan in recent years, I noted the
questioning that these measures provoked. Many of those with whom I spoke emphasised
their attachment to a secularism that nonetheless respected religious freedom;
they regretted the discriminatory steps taken in Europe.
Was this oversensitivity consequent to western
propaganda accompanying the American response to the incident of 11 September
2001 that had instrumentalised rhetoric about women? Many raised a concern,
whether Islam, in the West had in fact become the target of a witch-hunt. Annoyed
by this western over-simplification, they recalled that the situation of Muslim
women, taking into account the diversity of communities making up the Ummah, as well as the social position of
their members, was far from uniform.
I thus came to think about the perception that East
and West had of each other. Such an exercise may allow one to feed a debate
that has come to be monopolised by far-Right groups in Europe. With the
exception of the Left, the traditional French political parties – concerned about
both maintaining and expanding their support – make use of the fear of fundamentalist
Islam, however much of a minority it represents. Few remember the discipline
that the first immigrants from North Africa – at the time an important source
of labour – demonstrated as they maintained the hope of slowly climbing the
social ladder. Was it a legacy of the 'values' that prevailed in the colonial
era?
The French labour market remains reluctant to offer
higher positions to those perceived as Muslims (devout or not) than those
occupied by their parents. Another worrying aspect is the level of unemployment
that is faced by these vulnerable of North African origin who in turn attribute
their lack of success to what they consider the hypocrisy of the republican
triology of liberté, égalité and fraternité.
Keeping
in mind an international stage that was profoundly changed by the attacks of 11
September, I propose to begin by examining the context of the political
instrumentalisation of veil in France, and in particular the arguments employed
by those for and against its ban in France and elsewhere. The presentation
would also juxtapose various women's and feminists identities in French society
that is in the throes of a worrying turning in on itself in terms of national
identity. Do the small minority of women who adopt wearing of a full burqa, apart
from possible family pressure to which this is a response, seek to make
themselves a social and political symbol of resistance to French-style
integration that denies a full role to Muslim (whether by origin or practice)
immigrant communities? Lastly, it will be a matter of looking at the
perspectives for the model of integration that France says it follows without
having really defined it in detail. Will this lead in the coming decades to the
social harmony that it claims to bring about? Or will France have to accept to
be a kind of melting pot from which it will emerge enriched?
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